Anti-AFSPA Stand gains momentum, fast held across country Sharmila steps into 12th year of fast

IMPHAL, Nov 5 : In comme-moration of Irom Chanu Sharmila completing the 11th year of her unsur-passed crusade against the infamous Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, people of Manipur staged protest demonstrations at different corners of the State.


Sharmila has been fasting for the last 11 years demanding repeal of the controversial AFSPA in the aftermath of the massacre of ten innocent people by Assam Rifles at Malom on November 2, 2000.


Pointing out that Indian Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh has admitted AFSPA as inhuman in addition to Justice Jeevan Reddy’s recommendation to scrap the military Act, the protesters demanded the Government of India and the Government of Manipur  to repeal AFSPA without any further delay.


Further pointing out that the Government of India responded with all the urgency when Ana Hazare fasted for just 11 days whereas New Delhi has been paying no attention to Sharmila’s 11 years old fasting, they decried partial attitude of the Government of India.     


Joining the State-wide demonstration in solidarity with the crusade of Irom Chanu Sharmila, BJP Manipur Pradesh functionaries and supporters also staged sit-in-protest at its Nityaipat Chuthek office campus.


Speaking to newspersons on the sideline of the protest, State unit BJP president sh Shanti-kumar said  BJP MP from Guwahati constituency Bijoya Chakrabarti at a calling attention motion in the Parliament on August 18, 2010 demanded removal of AFSPA from areas where it is enforced.


He also contended that the BJP is totally against continuous imposition of the draconian Act in Manipur for several innocent lives have been lost due to brutality of security forces operating in the state.


Like in other parts of the State, a protest demonstration was staged at the memorial site of the ten people mowed down by Assam Rifles at Malom.


Speaking to media persons by the sideline of the protest demonstration, Kshetrimayum Subadani, mother of Ksh Inao who was one of the victims of Malom massacre, said that her family could be re-established till date after the dead of her son who was then earning the livelihood of the whole family by working as a goldsmith. 


Shortly after the dead of Inao, her sister committed suicide by consuming poison.


Before the year was over,  their father too died because of mental agony, Subadani said.


She made a fervent appeal to repeal AFSPA and stop killing innocent people.


Sinam Chandrajini, mother of late S Robinson and late S Chandramani said that she was bearing the loss of her two sons when it was very difficult for any mother to bear the loss of a single son.


Robinson and Chandramani were brothers and they were murdered by Assam Rifles on that fateful day.  Chandramani had also won Bravery Award before his young life was cut short.


Saying that Sharmila’s crusade cannot be allowed to go in vain, Chandrajini called upon one and all to support the crusade against AFSPA until Sharmila achieves success.


Soibam Tarkon, mother of Prakash, another young victim of Malom massacre said that the agony of losing her young son would go away only when she dies.


Tokpam Thoibi, mother of late T Shantikumar asked if there was anything which can compensate for her son.


Shantikumar, then only 17 years old, was killed by Assam Rifles together with the other nine victims.


Women vendors of the three market complexes of Khwairamband Keithel too suspended their daily activities and staged a protest demonstration under the banner ‘Save Democracy, Repeal AFSPA’.


Rani, one of the protesting women, said that AFSPA brought nothing positive apart from unleashing a reign of terror.


She also decried the discriminatory treatment of Ana Hazare and Sharmila by the Government of New Delhi.


They also pledged unrestrained support to Sharmila until she wins her battle.


Liklaileima of the Khwairamband Keithel Nupi Lup stated that India cannot remain indifferent to the crusade of Sharmila for good.   


It would be prudent on the part of the Government of India to scrap AFSPA before it comes under international scrutiny


                                                                                               
                                                                                                    Source: The sangai Express

SAVE SANGAI

The Sangai is an endemic, rare and endangered Brow-antlered deer found only in Manipur, India. Its common English name is Manipur Brow-antlered Deer and the scientific name, Rucervus eldi eldi. McClelland. It lives in the marshy wetland in Keibul Lamjao about 45 km from Imphal. Its habitat is located in the southern parts of the Loktak Lake, which is the largest freshwater lake in Eastern India. It is also one of the seven Ramsar sites of international importance. The habitat of the Sangai is now protected as the Keibul Lamjao National Park. Sangai is also the state animal of Manipur.






The brow-antlered deer or the dancing deer is found in its natural habitat only at Keibul Lamjao National Park over the floating biomass locally called "phumdi" in the South Eastern part of Loktak Lake. It is located between 24°27’ N and 24°31’ N latitude and 93°53’ E and 93°55’ E longitudes. The park covers an area of 40 km². and the home range of the deer in the park is confined to 15-20 km².




Phumdi is the most important and unique part of the habitat. It is the floating mass of entangled vegetation formed by the accumulation of organic debris and biomass with soil. Its thickness varies from few centimeter to two meters. The humus of phumdi is black in color and very spongy with large number of pores. It floats with 4/5 part under water.
The number of deer listed in the Red data book was only 14 in 1975. Subsequent after the declaration of the area as National park and with strict conservation measures taken up by the Forest Department, the fear of its extinction has been greatly reduced.




The Brow-antlered deer is a medium-sized deer, with uniquely distinctive antlers, measuring 100-110 cm. in length with extremely long brow tine, which form the main beam. The two tines form a continuous curve at right angles to the closely set pedicels. This signifies its name, brow-antlered deer, the forward protruding beam appears to come out from the eyebrow. The antlers of the opposite sides are unsymmetrical with respect to each other. The beams are unbranched initially whereas curvature increases as length increases and they get forked also. The sexes are moderately dimorphic in body size and weight. The height and weight of a fully grown stag may be approximately 115-125 cm at shoulder and 95 to 110 kg (210 to 230 lb) respectively. The height and weight of the female are shorter and less as compared to the male counterpart. The length of the body from the base to the ear up to the tail is about 145 to 155 cm in both sexes. The tail is short and rump patch is not pronounced.
Sangai feed on a variety of water living plants, grasses, herbaceous plants, and shoots. Zizania latifolia, Saccharum munja, S. bengalensis, Erianthus procerus, E. ravernnae, etc. are the favorite food plants of Sangai. Feeding behavior of Sangai can be easily seen over new shoots on freshly cut fire line area. It exhibits a bimodial activity pattern. Sangai starts grazing usually early morning approximately 4:30 am and generally continue up to 8:00 am. On cloudy morning the period may extend to 10:00 am. In the evening it starts at 3:00 pm and continue up to 6:00 pm. After feeding it takes rest. During day time it rests under thick and tall reeds and grasses. At night some of them even rest on the hillocks.
Sangai has a maximum lifespan in the wild of around 10 years
Rutting takes place in the early spring months between February and May. Males compete with each other to gain control of a harem of females that they can then mate with. After a 220 to 240-day-long gestation period, normally a single calf is born. The young are spotted at birth; these spots fade as the animal grows. The young are weaned at 7 months of age, and becomes sexually mature from 18 months of age onwards.




Culturally, the Sangai finds itself imbedded deep into the legends and folklore of the Manipuris. Based on a popular folk legend, the Sangai is interpreted as the binding soul between humans and the nature. The slaying of the Sangai, an unpardonable sin, is conceived as the rude breaking up of the cordial relationship between humans and the nature. When humans love and respect the Sangai, it is respecting nature. In the Sangai, therefore, humans find a way of expressing their love for the nature. Socially, the Sangai is the symbol of a prized possession of the State. Identified as one of the rarest animal species in the entire world, the Sangai is the apple of the eye for the people. Talk of Manipur, and one of the first things to introduce the State is the Sangai, other than polo, its classical dance, sports and films.
Danger of extinction


The Sangai was believed to be almost extinct by 1950. However, in 1953 six heads of the Sangai were found hovering at its natural habitat. Since then, the State Government has taken serious and positive measures for the protection of this rare and endangered species. A census conducted in 2000 in the park showed that there were just 162 deer (54 stags, 76 hinds and 32 fawns).
The Sangai faces a two-pronged danger to its life. Firstly, its habitat is steadily degenerating by reason of continuous inundation and flooding by high water caused as the result of artificial reservoir of the Loktak hydroelectric power project. Secondly, poachers are out there to trap and slay the deer at the slightest opportunity.
In 1983 the 103 megawatt capacity Loktak hydroelectric power project was commissioned with the objective of ensuring rapid development in the State. A maximum high water level of 168.5 meters (553 ft) above mean sea level (MSL)is maintained in the Loktak Lake to feed the reservoir for the hydel project. This high water level had wreaked havoc in the Keibul Lamjao National Park. The high water level, maintained continuously through the year, had disturbed the natural life cycle of the vegetation growth, the phumdi, upon which the Sangai thrives. The deer feed on several types of vegetation that grow on the phumdi. The vegetation also provides shelter to the deer and other wildlife in the park.
The life-cycle of the phumdi involves floating on the water surface during season of high water as in the monsoons. In the lean season, when the water level reduces, the biomass come into contact with the lake bed and they secure the required nutrient from there. When the rains come again and they become afloat, the biomass have enough 'food'—the nutrients—stored in their roots and their life continues. What is happening now, according to local scientists who are studying the phenomena, is that with continuous high water in the lake throughout the year much of this process of 'feeding' on the nutrient in the lakebed had discontinued. The result—the biomass are losing weight and getting thinner by the year. Around January last week in 1999, it was reported that a large chunk of the biomass in the northern part of National Park had broken up into pieces and had drifted freely from the park area. This was a bad sign for the Sangai habitat. It spelled out very clearly that the beginning of the end of the Sangai habitat had begun. There are reports of local people cutting up the phumdi into sizable pieces and then towing away these with dugout canoe for 'selling' to fish culture owners. This is another potential danger to the Sangai habitat. It meant humans are now aiding the process of annihilating the habitat area, supplementing to the rapid degeneration of the habitat.

Lamlai fish fair makes a statement with reasonable rate

           



IMPHAL, Oct 27: Under the joint initiative of All Manipur Nupi marup Lamlai Area Committee and All India Youth Federation Lamlai Local Council, a Ningol Chakkouba Fish Mela has been organised for the very first time in Lamlai area at Irawat Park, Chalou Lamlai today.

Inaugurating the first fish fair as the chief guest, Agriculture Minister Ph Parijat said the fair has been organised under the objective of promoting fish farming in Imphal East district.

Stating that various fish varieties would be made available to the public at Rs 25 less than the rate fixed by the Government, the Minister informed that a common fish rearing pond of four paris in size would be developed at  Leimakhong near Lamlai. Noting that there is shortage of fish production in  Imphal East district areas, he expressed confidence that on completion the Leimakhong pond would be able to contribute to fish  production.

Imphal East district Fishery Officer Y Ibobi Singh recounting that the Fishery Department had been organising fish fairs every year since 1976 in connection with the Ningol Chakkouba festival, asserted that efforts would be made to organise fish fairs in Imphal East district.

In all fishes were sold at five stalls while chicken were put on sale in six stalls  at the fair. The rate of fish sold at the fair was fixed at Rs 125 per kilogram for Rohu (Rou) variety, Rs 115 for Grass Carp and Rs 75 for Silver Carp, while chicken was available at Rs 110 per kg.

It is informed that the total quantity of fish at the fair is 3400 kgs and 1000 kg chicken.


Source: The Sangai Express

Shirui Lily Cup

IMPHAL, Oct 27: TRAU, Kwakeithel became the third team to reach the quarter finals of the 28th Shirui Lily Cup National Level football tournament with a comprehensive 3-1 victory over KLASA, Keinou at  TNL Ground, Ukhrul today.

TRAU joined AMOFA, Moirang and AIM, Khabam in the last eight stage of the tournament.

RM Ngathangmei provi-ded the TRAU break- through in the 20th minute with the lead lasting till about the interval when S Homeshore struck the equaliser in the 43rd minute.

The Kwakeithel side re-gained the advantage when N Rakesh netted the second goal in the 51st minute and L Tiken sealed the victory in the 72nd.

 

 Source: The Sangai Express

Manipur blockaded on road to nowhere

 Since August this year, Manipur has been under an economic blockade called by the Sadar Hills Districthood Demand Committee (SHDDC). This and a counter-blockade by the United Naga Council (UNC) on the national highways have caused severe shortages of food, medical supplies, fuel and other essential items. There have been reports that hospitals are running short of medicines. Petrol, diesel and LPG are in short supply, and are being sold at exorbitant prices. Onion, potato, rice and dal are similarly scarce and expensive. There have been instances when rumours have set off incidents of small-scale violence. The scarcities have created an atmosphere befitting the description of a humanitarian crisis in a war-zone.


The tolerance of the people in Manipur is being tested beyond endurance. It is fortunate that traditions of mutual exchange and interdependency among all communities have helped ward off major incidents in such trying times. But that is no guarantee that the situation will not worsen.


Surprisingly, neither the State nor the central governments have shown any signs of dealing with this crisis. This catastrophe, as usual, has not caught the attention of the national media or democratic voices in other parts of the country. A blockade has been historically a form or a component of war. In its early incarnations, it would often be deployed between two parties, one belligerent force blockading another power, or between belligerents. Its maximum impact is felt in the everyday lives of the common people who are helplessly caught in the situation.


Driven by ethnic politics


An economic blockade has often been deployed as a form of protest by different groups to draw attention to their cause. Though the intention of those who use it as a form of protest may be to highlight their grievances and wanting it to be addressed by the authorities, it immediately puts pressure on the population. Blockades in Manipur, driven largely by ethnic politics and the geographical circumstances, at times, begin to look more like a form of collective punishment.


The logic of a blockade seems to be that considering the experience of majoritarianism being meted out by the Meiteis against the other communities, a protest against the Government of Manipur should necessarily target the Meitei population. The polity of Manipur is seen to be largely driven and controlled by the Meiteis. Thus, suffocating the supply lines through the national highways seem an unfortunate but unavoidable choice to make the government listen to the demands of the aggrieved party.


Sadar Hills issue


Such smooth political logic is blind to the fact that an economic blockade of this magnitude affects all people, irrespective of ethnicity. Their suffering can often be measured against the rhetoric of sacrifice: the rich and the powerful cut across community boundaries and, more importantly, are not affected as they get around the high prices and scarcities with ease. Rather, they often use moments like this to project themselves as champions of the suffering by carrying out symbolic acts of sacrifice. Such acts are in turn mobilised as propaganda for their ethnic politics. Moreover, moments of economic scarcity are also boom time for traders. Prices are disproportionately increased. Even though essentials are in short supply in the open market, almost everything is available if one is willing to pay in the black market. And there seems to be a thriving market run by crisis profiteers.


This time round, the blockade on the national highways 53 and 39 was first imposed by the SHDDC from August 1. Its demand was the creation of a separate district of Sadar Hills out of the current Senapati district of which it is a part of. This otherwise simple administrative procedure is extraordinarily complicated in the context of Manipur. Senapati district happens to be inhabited largely by different communities of the Kukis, the Nepalis, and the Nagas. Within the district, Sadar Hills is dominated demographically by the Kukis.


A demand for a separate district of the Sadar Hills is resented by the Nagas. They fear it would jeopardise their claim for a ‘greater Nagalim.' Interestingly, the whole of Senapati district is included in the map of “Naga inhabited areas,” a phrase that has gained currency after it was modified from the earlier “Naga dominated areas.” Therefore, the UNC called for a counter economic blockade on these highways from August 21 onwards fearing the possibility of Senapati district being bifurcated.


Given the history of ethnic clashes between the Nagas and the Kukis in the hills of Manipur beginning in the early 1990s when Senapati district was one of the worst affected, the atmosphere has been tense.


In the context of the larger politics of Manipur, the demand for the creation of a separate Sadar Hills district has to be weighed alongside two other vociferous demands — for the creation of Jiribam and Phungyar as separate districts.


In all three demands, there have been fierce contestations from rival ethnic groups, a pointer to how in Manipur's politics, and also more widely in the North-East region, there has been a tendency to fit ethnic identity perfectly on to a particular territory. This is how “homeland” politics is conducted, but fusing ethnic exclusivity with territoriality can create a combustible mix.


That Senapati district has witnessed abnormal population growth rates both in the census counts of 2001 and 2011, has led to its own share of controversies. In some areas within the district it has been more than 100 per cent. This has been interpreted as a move to legitimise one community's claim to being the majority in a particular territory, creating simmering animosity and hatred.


To critique the increasing tendency of ethnic exclusivist politics is not to negate the genuine concerns of the different marginalised groups that get subsumed within a majoritarian ideology, but to open a more progressive form of politics. Manipur today is sitting on a latent socio-political volcano. If all parties concerned do not take action immediately, there is a danger that it might well explode.




                                                                                                                                                 Source: The Hindu